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Ifyviwvfotb Etbrarg Utttutt* 


!0at)erforD Hfbratp Htctuvw 






Associate Justice of the Supreme Court 
of the United States 

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Copyright, 1905 

Set up, electrotyped and published 
September, 1905 

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From the provisions of the donor : 

"The money [$10,000] to be kept safely in- 
vested, the Income only to be used for an annual 
course or series of lectures before the senior 
class of the College and other students, on the 
Bible, its history, and its literature, and, as way 
may open for it, upon its doctrine and its teach- 


To the Students of Haverford College 

I. Thb United States a Christian Nation 
II. Our Duty as Citizens 
III. The Promise and the Possibility of the Future 



WE classify nations in various ways. 
as, for instance, by their form 
of government. One is a king- 
dom, another an empire, and 
still another a republic. Also by 
race. Great Britain is an Anglo- 
Saxon nation, France a Gallic, Germany a 
Teutonic, Russia a Slav. And still again by 
religion. One is a Mohammedan nation, 
others are heathen, and still others are Chris- 
tian nations. 

This republic is classified among the 
Christian nations of the world. It was so 
formally declared by the Supreme Court of 
the United States. In the case of Holy 
Trinity Church z f s. United States, 143 U. S. 
471, that court, after mentioning various 
circumstances, added, "these and many other 
matters which might be noticed, add a vol- 
ume of unofficial declarations to the mass of 
organic utterances that this is a Christian 



But in what sense can it be called a Chris- 
tian nation? Not in the sense that Christi- 
anity is the established religion or that the 
people are in any manner compelled to sup- 
port it. On the contrary, the Constitution 
specifically provides that "Congress shall 
make no law respecting an establishment of 
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof." Neither is it Christian in the sense 
that all its citizens are either in fact or name 
Christians. On the contrary, all religions 
have free scope within our borders. Num- 
bers of our people profess other religions, 
^and many reject all. Nor is it Christian in 
the sense that a profession of Christianity is 
a condition of holding office or otherwise 
engaging in the public service, or essential 
to recognition either politically or socially. 
In fact the government as a legal organiza- 
tion is independent of all religions. 

Nevertheless, we constantly speak of this 
republic as a Christian nation — in fact, as 
the leading Christian nation of the world. 
This popular use of the term certainly has 
significance. It is not a mere creation of 
the imagination. It is not a term of derision 
but has a substantial basis — one which justi- 
fies its use. Let us analyze a little and see 
what is the basis. 

Its use has had from the early settlements 

on our shores and still has an official founda- 
tion. It is only about three centuries since 
the beginnings of civilized life within the 
limits of these United States. And those 
beginnings were in a marked and marvelous 
degree identified with Christianity. The 
commission from Ferdinand and Isabella to 
Columbus recites that "it is hoped that by 
God's assistance some of the continents and 
islands in the ocean will be discovered." 
The first colonial grant, that made to Sir 
Walter Raleigh, in 1584, authorized him to 
enact statutes for the government of the 
proposed colony, provided that "they be not 
against the true Christian faith now pro- 
fessed in the Church of England." The first 
charter of Virginia, granted by King James 
I, in 1606, after reciting the application of 
certain parties for a charter, commenced the 
grant in these words: "We, greatly com- 
mending, and graciously accepting of, their 
desires for the furtherance of so noble a 
work, which may, by the providence of Al- 
mighty God, hereafter tend to the glory of 
His^ Divine Majesty, in propagating the 
Christian religion to such people as yet live 
in darkness and miserable ignorance of the 
true knowledge and worship of God." And 
language of similar import is found in subse- 
quent charters of the same colony, from the 


same king, in 1609 and 161 1. The cele- 
brated compact made by the Pilgrims on the 
Mayflower, in 1620, recites : "Having under- 
taken for the glory of God and advancement 
of the Christian faith and the honor of our 
king and country a voyage to plant the first 
colony in the northern parts of Virginia." 

The charter of New England, granted 
by James I, in 1620, after referring to a 
petition, declares: "We, according to our 
princely inclination, favoring much their 
worthy disposition, in hope thereby to ad- 
vance the enlargement of Christian religion, 
to the glory of God Almighty." 

The charter of Massachusetts Bay, granted 
in 1629 by Charles I, after several provisions, 
recites: "Whereby our said people, inhabi- 
tants there, may be so religiously, peaceably 
and civilly governed as their good life and 
orderly conversation may win and incite the 
natives of the country to their knowledge 
and obedience of the only true God and 
Saviour of mankind, and the Christian faith, 
which in our royal intention and the adven- 
turers free profession, is the principal end of 
this plantation," which declaration was sub- 
stantially repeated in the charter of Massa- 
chusetts Bay granted by William and Mary, 
in 1691. 

The fundamental orders of Connecticut, 

under which a provisional government was 
instituted in 1638-1639, provided: "Foras- 
much as it has pleased the Almighty God 
by the wise disposition of His divine provi- 
dence so to order and dispose of things that 
we, the inhabitants and residents of Windsor, 
Hartford and Wethersfield, are now cohabi- 
tating and dwelling in and upon the River 
of Connecticut and the lands thereto ad- 
joining; and well knowing where a people 
are gathered together the word of God re- 
quires that to maintain the peace and union 
of such a people there should be an orderly 
and decent government established accord- 
ing to God, to order and dispose of the 
affairs of the people at all seasons as occa- 
sion shall require ; do therefore associate and 
conjoin ourselves to be as one public state 
or commonwealth ; and do for ourselves and 
our successors and such as shall be adjoined 
to us at any time hereafter enter into combin- 
ation and confederation together to main- 
tain and preserve the liberty and purity of 
the gospel of our Lord Jesus which we now 
profess, as also the discipline of the churches, 
which, according to the truth of the said 
gospel, is now practiced amongst us." In 
the preamble of the Constitution of 1776 it 
was declared, "the free fruition of such lib- 
erties and privileges as humanity, civility 


and Christianity call for, as is due to every 
man in his place and proportion, without im- 
peachment and infringement, hath ever been, 
and will be the tranquility and stability of 
churches and commonwealths ; and the de- 
nial thereof, the disturbance, if not the ruin 
of both." 

In 1638 the first settlers in Rhode Island 
organized a local government by signing the 
following agreement : 

"We whose names are underwritten do 
here solemnly in the presence of Jehovah 
incorporate ourselves into a Bodie Politick 
and as He shall help, will submit our per- 
sons, lives and estates unto our Lord Jesus 
Christ, the King of Kings and Lord of Lords 
and to all those perfect and most absolute 
laws of his given us in his holy word of 
truth, to be guided and judged thereby. 
Exod. 24 : 3, 4 ; II Chron. it: 3 ; II Kings 
11 :i7." 

The charter granted to Rhode Island, in 
1663, naming the petitioners, speaks of them 
as "pursuing, with peaceable and loyal minds, 
their sober, serious and religious intentions, 
of godly edifying themselves and one an- 
other in the holy Christian faith and wor- 
ship as they were persuaded; together with 
the gaining over and conversion of the poor, 
ignorant Indian natives, in these parts of 

America, to the sincere profession and obedi- 
ence of the same faith and worship." 

The charter of Carolina, granted in 1663 
by Charles II, recites that the petitioners, 
"being excited with a laudable and pious zeal 
for the propagation of the Christian faith." 

In the preface of the frame of government 
prepared in 1682 by William Penn, for 
Pennsylvania, it is said : 'They weakly err, 
that think there is no other use of govern- 
ment than correction, which is the coarsest 
part of it; daily experience tells us that the 
care and regulation of many other affairs, 
more soft, and daily necessary, make up 
much of the greatest part of government ; 
and which must have followed the peopling 
of the world, had Adam never fell, and will 
continue among men, on earth, under the 
highest attainments they may arrive at, by 
the coming of the blessed second Adam, the 
Lord from heaven." And with the laws 
prepared to go with the frame of govern- 
ment, it was further provided "that accord- 
ing to the good example of the primitive 
Christians, and the ease of the creation, 
every first day of the week, called the Lord's 
Day, people shall abstain from their com- 
mon daily labor that they may the better dis- 
pose themselves to worship God according 
to their understandings." 


In the charter of privileges granted, in 
1 70 1, by William Penn to the province of 
Pennsylvania and territories thereunto be- 
longing (such territories afterwards con- 
stituting the State of Delaware), it is re- 
cited : "Because no people can be truly happy, 
though under the greatest enjoyment of civil 
liberties, if abridged of the freedom of their 
consciences as to their religious profession 
and worship; and Almighty God being the 
only Lord of Conscience, Father of Lights 
and Spirits, and the author as well as object 
of all divine knowledge, faith and worship, 
who only doth enlighten the minds and per- 
suade and convince the understandings of 
the people, I do hereby grant and declare/' 

The Constitution of Vermont, of 1777, 
granting the free exercise of religious wor- 
ship, added, "Nevertheless, every sect or de- 
nomination of people ought to observe the 
Sabbath, or the Lord's Day, and keep up and 
support some sort of religious worship, 
which to them shall seem most agreeable to 
the revealed will of God." And this was 
repeated in the Constitution of 1786. 

In the Constitution of South Carolina, of 
1778, it was declared that "the Christian 
Protestant religion shall be deemed and is 
hereby constituted and declared to be the 
established religion of this State." And fur- 

ther, that no agreement or union of men 
upon pretense of religion should be entitled 
to become incorporated and regarded as a 
church of the established religion of the 
State, without agreeing and subscribing to 
a book of five articles, the third and fourth 
of which were ''that the Christian religion is 
the true religion ; that the holy scriptures of 
the Old and New Testament are of divine 
inspiration, and are the rule of faith and 

Passing beyond these declarations which 
are found in the organic instruments of the 
colonies, the following are well known his- 
torical facts : Lord Baltimore secured the 
charter for a Maryland colony in order that 
he and his associates might continue their 
Catholic worship free from Protestant perse- 
cution. Roger Williams, exiled from Massa- 
chusetts because of his religious views, estab- 
lished an independent colony in Rhode Island. 
The Huguenots, driven from France by the 
Edict of Nantes, sought in the more southern 
colonies a place where they could live in the 
enjoyment of their Huguenot faith. It is not 
exaggeration to say that Christianity in some 
of its creeds was the principal cause of the 
settlement of many of the colonies, and co- 
operated with business hopes and purposes in 
the settlement of the others. Beginning in 


this way and under these influences it is not 
strange that the colonial life had an em- 
phatic Christian tone. 

From the very first efforts were made, 
largely it must be conceded by Catholics, to 
bring the Indians under the influence of 
Christianity. Who can read without emo- 
tion the story of Marquette, and others like 
him, enduring all perils and dangers and 
toiling through the forests of the west in 
their efforts to tell the story of Jesus to the 
savages of North America? 

Within less than one hundred years from 
the landing at Jamestown three colleges were 
established in the colonies ; Harvard in Mas- 
sachusetts, William and Mary in Virginia 
and Yale in Connecticut. The first seal used 
by Harvard College had as a motto, "In 
Christi Gloriam," and the charter granted 
by Massachuetts Bay contained this recital : 
"Whereas, through the good hand of God 
many well devoted persons have been and 
daily are moved and stirred up to give and 
bestow sundry gifts . . . that may con- 
duce to the education of the English and 
Indian youth of this country, in knowledge 
and godliness." The charter of William 
and Mary, reciting that the proposal was "to 
the end that the Church of Virginia may be 
furnished with a seminary of ministers of 


the gospel, and that the youth may be piously 
educated in good letters and manners, and 
that the Christian faith may be propagated 
amongst the western Indians, to the glory 
of Almighty God" made the grant "for prop- 
agating the pure gospel of Christ, our only 
Mediator, to the praise and honor of Al- 
mighty God." The charter of Yale declared 
as its purpose to fit "young men for public 
employment both in church and civil state," 
and it provided that the trustees should be 
Congregational ministers living in the col- 

In some of the colonies, particularly in 
New England, the support of the church was 
a matter of public charge, even as the com- 
mon schools are to-day. Thus the Constitu- 
tion of Massachusetts, of 1780, Part I, Arti- 
cle 3, provided that "the legislature shall, 
from time to time, authorize and require, the 
several towns, parishes, precincts, and other 
bodies politic or religious societies to make 
suitable povision at their own expense for 
the institution of the public worship of God 
and for the support and maintenance of Prot- 
estant teachers of piety, religion and moral- 
ity in all cases where such provision shall 
not be made voluntarily." 

Article 6 of the Bill of Rights of the Con- 
stitution of New Hampshire, of 1784, re- 


peated in the Constitution of 1792, empow- 
ered "the legislature to authorize from 
time to time, the several towns, parishes, 
bodies corporate, or religious societies within 
this State, to make adequate provision at 
their own expense for the support and main- 
tenance of public Protestant teachers of 
piety, religion and morality." In the fun- 
damental Constitutions of 1769, prepared 
for the Carolinas, by the celebrated John 
Locke, Article 96 reads : "As the country 
comes to be sufficiently planted and distrib- 
uted into fit divisions, it shall belong to the 
parliament to take care for the building of 
churches, and the public maintenance of di- 
vines to be employed in the exercise of re- 
ligion according to the Church of England, 
which being the only true and orthodox and 
the national religion of all the king's do- 
minions, is so also of Carolina, and, there- 
fore, it alone shall be allowed to receive pub- 
lic maintenance by grant of parliament." 

In Maryland, by the Constitution of 1776, 
it was provided that "the legislature may, in 
their discretion, lay a general and equal tax, 
for 'the support of the Christian religion." 

In several colonies and states a profession 
of the Christian faith was made an indis- 
pensable condition to holding office. In the 
frame of government for Pennsylvania, pre- 


pared by William Penn, in 1683, it was pro- 
vided that "all treasurers, judges . . . 
and other officers . . . and all members 
elected to serve in provincial council and 
general assembly, and all that have right 
to elect such members, shall be such as pro- 
fess faith in Jesus Christ." And in the char- 
ter of privileges for that colony, given in 
1 70 1 by William Penn and approved by the 
colonial assembly it was provided "that all 
persons who also profess to believe in Jesus 
Christ, the Saviour of the World, shall be 
capable ... to serve this government in 
any capacitv, both legislatively and execu- 

In Delaware, by the Constitution of 
1776, every officeholder was required to 
make and subscribe the following declara- 
tion : "I, A. B., do profess faith in God the 
Father, and in Jesus Christ His Only Son, 
and in the Holy Ghost, one God, blessed for- 
evermore; and I do acknowledge the Holy 
Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to 
be given by divine inspiration." 

New Hampshire, in the Constitutions of 
1784 and 1792, required that senators and 
representatives should be of the "Protestant, 
religion," and this provision remained in 
force until 1877. 

The fundamental Constitutions of the Car- 


olinas declared : "No man shall be permitted 
to be a freeman of Carolina, or to have any 
estate or habitation within it that doth not 
acknowledge a God, and that God is publicly 
and solemnly to be worshiped." 

The Constitution of North Carolina, of 
1776, provided: "That no person who shall 
deny the being of God or the truth of the 
Protestant religion, or the divine authority 
either of the Old or New Testaments, or 
who shall hold religious principles incom- 
patible with the freedom and safety of the 
State, shall be capable of holding any office 
or place of trust or profit in the civil depart- 
ment within this State." And this remained 
in force until 1835, when it was amended by 
changing the word "Protestant" to "Chris- 
tian," and as so amended remained in force 
until the Constitution of 1868. And in that 
Constitution among the persons disqualified 
for office were "all persons who shall deny 
the being of Almighty God." 

New Jersey, by the Constitution of 1776, 
declared "that no Protestant inhabitant of 
this colony shall be denied the enjoyment of 
any civil right merely on account of his re- 
ligious principles, but that all persons pro- 
fessing a belief in the faith of any Protestant 
sect, who shall demean themselves peaceably 
under the government as hereby established, 

shall be capable of being elected into any 
office of profit or trust, or being a member of 
either branch of the legislature." 

The Constitution of South Carolina, of 
1776, provided that no person should be eligi- 
ble to the Senate or House of Representatives 
"unless he be of the Protestant religion." 

Massachusetts, in its Constitution of 1780, 
required from governor, lieutenant-governor, 
councillor, senator and representative before 
proceeding to execute the duties of his place 
or office a declaration that "I believe the 
Christian religion, and have a firm persua- 
sion of its truth." 

By the fundamental orders of Connecticut 
the governor was directed to take an oath to 
"further the execution of justice according 
to the rule of God's word ; so help me God, 
in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ." 

The Vermont Constitution of 1777 re- 
quired of every member of the House of 
Representatives that he take this oath : "I do 
believe in one God, the creator and governor 
of the universe, the rewarder of the good 
and punisher of the wicked, and I do ac- 
knowledge the scriptures of the Old and 
New Testaments to be given by divine in- 
spiration, and own and profess the Protest- 
ant religion." A similar requirement was 
provided by the Constitution of 1786. 


In Maryland, by the Constitution of 1776, 
every person appointed to any office of profit 
or trust was not only to take an official 
oath of allegiance to the State, but also 
to "subscribe a declaration of his belief in 
the Christian religion." In the same State, 
in the Constitution of 185 1, it was declared 
that no other test or qualification for ad- 
mission to any office of trust or profit shall 
be required than the official oath "and a 
declaration of belief in the Christian relig- 
ion; and if the party shall profess to be a 
Jew the declaration shall be of his belief in 
a future state of rewards and punishments." 
As late as 1864 the same State in its Consti- 
tution had a similar provision, the change 
being one merely of phraseology, the provi- 
sion reading, "a declaration of belief in the 
Christian religion, or of the existence of 
God, and in a future state of rewards and 

Mississippi, by the Constitution of 181 7, 
provided that "no person who denies the 
being of God or a future state of rewards 
and punishments shall hold any office in the 
civil department of the State." 

Another significant matter is the recogni- 
tion of Sunday. That day is the Christian 
Sabbath, a day peculiar to that faith, and 
known to no other. It would be impossible 

within the limits of a lecture to point out all 
the ways in which that day is recognized. 
The following illustrations must suffice : By 
the United States Constitution the President 
is required to approved all bills passed by 
Congress. If he disapproves he returns it 
with his veto. And then specifically it is pro- 
vided that if not returned by him within ten 
days, "Sundays excepted," after it shall have 
been presented to him it becomes a law. 
Similar provisions are found in the Consti- 
tutions of most of the States, and in thirty- 
six out of forty-five is the same expression, 
"Sundays excepted." 

Louisiana is one of the nine States in 
whose present Constitution the expression, 
"Sundays excepted," is not found. Four 
earlier Constitutions of that State (those of 
1812, 1845, l %5 2 anc * 1864) contained, while 
the three later ones, 1868, 1879 and 1881 
omit those words. In State ex rel. vs. Sec- 
retary of State, a case arising under the last 
Constitution, decided by the Supreme Court 
of Louisiana (52 La. An. 936), the question 
was presented as to the effect of a governor's 
veto which was returned within time if a 
Sunday intervening between the day of pre- 
sentation of the bill and the return of the 
veto was excluded, and too late if it was 
included: the burden of the contention on 


the one side being that the change in the 
phraseology of the later Constitutions in 
omitting the words "Sundays excepted" in- 
dicated a change in the meaning of the con- 
stitutional provision in respect to the time 
of a veto. The court unanimously held that 
the Sunday was to be excluded. In the 
course of its opinion it said (p. 944) : 

"In law Sundays are generally excluded 
as days upon which the performance of any 
act demanded by the law is not required. 
They are held to be dies non juridici. 

"And in the Christian world Sunday is re- 
garded as the 'Lord's Day/ and a holiday — 
a day of cessation from labor. 

"By statute, enacted as far back as 
1838, this day is made in Louisiana one of 
'public rest.' Rev. Stat., Sec. 522; Code of 
Practice, 207, 763. 

"This is the policy of the State of long 
standing and the framers of the Constitution 
are to be considered as intending to con- 
form to the same." 

By express command of Congress studies 
are not pursued at the military or naval 
academies, and distilleries are prohibited 
from operation on Sundays, while chaplains 
are required to hold religious services once 
at least on that day. 

Bv the English statute of 29 Charles II 

no tradesman, artificer, workman, laborer, 
or other person was permitted to do or ex- 
ercise any worldly labor, business or work of 
ordinary calling upon the Lord's Day, or 
any part thereof, works of necessity or 
charity only excepted. That statute, with 
some variations, has been adopted by most 
if not all the States of the Union, in Mass- 
achusetts it was held that one injured while 
traveling in the cars on Sunday, except in 
case of necessity or charity, was guilty of 
contributory negligence and could recover 
nothing from the railroad company for the 
injury he sustained. And this decision was 
affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United 
States. A statute of the State of Georgia, 
making the running of freight trains on 
Sunday a misdemeanor, was also upheld by 
that court. By decisions in many States a 
contract made on Sunday is invalid and can- 
not be enforced. By the general course of 
decision no judicial proceedings can be held 
on Sunday. All legislative bodies, whether 
muncipal, state or national, abstain from 
work on that day. Indeed, the vast volume 
of official action, legislative and judicial, 
recognizes Sunday as a day separate and 
apart from the others, a day devoted not to 
the ordinary pursuits of life. It is true in 
many of the decisions this separation of the 


day is said to be authorized by the police 
power of the State and exercised for pur- 
poses of health. At the same time, through 
a large majority of them, there runs the 
thought of its being a religious day, con- 
secrated by the Commandment, "Six days 
shalt thou labor, and do all thy work : 
but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the 
Lord thy God : in it thou shalt not do any 
work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, 
thy man servant, nor thy maid servant, nor 
thy cattle, nor the stranger that is within 
thy gates." 

While the word "God" is not infrequently 
used both in the singular and plural to de- 
note any supreme being or beings, yet when 
used alone and in the singular number it 
generally refers to that Supreme Being 
spoken of in the Old and New Testaments 
and worshiped by Jew and Christian. In 
that sense the word is used in constitution, 
statute and instrument. In many State Con- 
stitutions we find in the preamble a declara- 
tion like this : "Grateful to Almighty God." 
In some he who denied the being of God was 
disqualified from holding office. It is again 
and again declared in constitution and 
statute that official oaths shall close with an 
appeal, "So help me, God." When, upon 
inauguration, the President-elect each four 


years consecrates himself to the great respon- 
sibilities of Chief Executive of the republic, 
his vow of consecration in the presence of the 
vast throng filling the Capitol grounds will 
end with the solemn words, "So help me, 
God." In all our courts witnesses in like 
manner vouch for the truthfulness of their 
testimony. The common commencement of 
wills is "In the name of God, Amen." Every 
foreigner attests his renunciation of allegi- 
ance to his former sovereign and his accep- 
tance of citizenship in this republic by an 
appeal to God. 

These various declarations in charters, con- 
stitutions and statutes indicate the general 
thought and purpose. If it be said that sim- 
ilar declarations are not found in all the 
charters or in all the constitutions, it will be 
borne in mind that the omission oftentimes 
was because they were deemed unnecessary, 
as shown by the quotation just made from 
the opinion of the Supreme Court of Louis- 
iana, as well as those hereafter taken from 
the opinions of other courts. And further, 
it is of still more significance that there 
are no contrary declarations. In no char- 
ter or constitution is there anything to even 
suggest that any other than the Christian 
is the religion of his country. In none of 
them is Mohammed or Confucius or Buddha 

3 1 

in any manner noticed. In none of them 
is Judaism recognized other than by way 
of toleration of its special creed. While 
the separation of church and state is often 
affirmed, there is nowhere a repudiation of 
Christianity as one of the institutions as well 
as benedictions of society. In short, there is 
no charter or constitution that is either infi- 
del, agnostic or anti-Christian. Wlferever 
there is a declaration in favor of any religion 
it is of the Christian. In view of the multi- 
tude of expressions in its favor, the avowed 
separation between church and state is a 
most satisfactory testimonial that it is the re- 
ligion of this country, for a peculiar thought 
of Christianity is of a personal relation be- 
tween man and his Maker, uncontrolled by 
and independent of human government. 

Notice also the matter of chaplains. These 
are appointed for the army and navy, named 
as officials of legislative assemblies, and uni- 
versally they belong to one or other of the 
Christian denominations. Their whole range 
of service, whether in prayer or preaching, 
is an official recognition of Christianity. If 
it be not so, why do we have chaplains ? 

If we consult the decisions of the courts, 
although the formal question has seldom 
been presented because of a general recogni- 
tion of its truth, yet in The People vs. Rug- 

gles, 8 John. 290, 294, 295, Chancellbx Kent, 
the great commentator on American law, 
speaking as Chief Justice of the Suprime 
Court of New York, said: 'The people of 
this State, in common with the people of* this 
country, profess the general doctrines of 
Christianity, as the rule of their faith and 
practice." And in the famous case of VkM 
vs. Girard's Executors, 2 How. 127, 198, the 
Supreme Court of the United States, while 
sustaining the will of Air. Girard, with its 
provision for the creation of a college into 
which no minister should be permitted to 
enter, observed: "It is also said, and truly, 
that the Christian religion is a part of the 
common law of Pennsylvania." 

The New York Supreme Court, in Lin- 
denmuller vs. The People, 33 Barbour, 561, 
held that : 

"Christianity is not the legal religion of 
the State, as established by law. If it were, 
it would be a civil or political institution, 
which it is not; but this is not inconsistent 
with the idea that it is in fact, and ever has 
been, the religion of the people. This fact 
is everywhere prominent in all our civil and 
political history^and has been, from the first, 
recognized and acted upon by the people, as 
well as by constitutional conventions, by leg- 
islatures and by courts of justice." 
3 33 

The 3outh Ca-olina Supreme Court, in 
State vs. Chandler, 2 Harrington, 555, cit- 
ing many cases, said : 

"It appears to have been long perfectly 
settled by the common law that blasphemy 
against the Deity in general, or a malicious 
and wanton attack against the Christian re- 
Rg'i'on individually, for the purpose of ex- 
posing its doctrines to contempt and ridicule, 
is indictable and punishable as a temporal 

And again, in City Council vs. Benjamin, 
2 Strobhart, 521 : 

"On that day we rest, and to us it is the 
Sabbath of the Lord — its decent observance 
in a Christian community is that which 
ought to be expected. 

"It is not perhaps necessary for the pur- 
poses of this case to rule and hold that the 
Christian religion is part of the common law 
of South Carolina. Still it may be useful to 
show that it lies at the foundation of even 
the article of the Constitution under consid- 
eration, and that upon it rest many of the 
principles and usages, constantly acknowl- 
edged and enforced, in the courts of justice." 

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court, in Up- 
degraph vs. The Commonwealth, 11 Ser- 
geant and Rawle, 400, made this declara- 


"Christianity, general Christianity, is, and 
always has been, a part of the common law 
of Pennsylvania; Christianity, without the 
spiritual artillery of European countries ; for 
this Christianity was one of the considera- 
tions of the royal charter, and the very basis 
of its great founder, William Penn; not 
Christianity founded on any particular re- 
ligious tenets ; not Christianity with an es- 
tablished church, and tithes, and spiritual 
courts ; but Christianity with liberty of con- 
science to all men." 

And subsequently, in Johnson vs. The 
Commonwealth, 10 Harris, in. 

"It is not our business to discuss the obli- 
gations of Sunday any further than they 
enter into and are recognized by the law of 
the land. The common law adopted it, 
along with Christianity, of which it is one 
of the bulwarks." 

In Arkansas, Shover vs. The State, 10 
English, 263, the Supreme Court said : 

"Sunday or the Sabbath is properly and 
emphatically called the Lord's Day, and is 
one amongst the first and most sacred institu- 
tions of the Christian religion. This system 
of religion is recognized as constituting a 
part and parcel of the common law, and as 
such all of the institutions growing out of it, 
or, in any way, connected with it, in case 


they shall not be found to interfere with the 
rights of conscience, are entitled to the most 
profound respect, and can rightfully claim 
the protection of the law-making power of 
the State." 

The Supreme Court of Maryland, in Jude- 
find vs. The State, 78* Maryland, 514, de- 
clared : 

"The Sabbath is emphatically the day of 
rest, and the day of rest here is the Lord's 
Day or Christian's Sunday. Ours is a Chris- 
tian community, and a day set apart as the 
day of rest is the day consecrated by the 
resurrection of our Saviour, and embraces 
the twenty-four hours next ensuing the mid- 
night of Saturday. . . . But it would 
scarcely be asked of a court, in what pro- 
fesses to be a Christian land, to declare a 
law unconstitutional because it requires rest 
from bodily labor on Sunday (except works 
of necessity and charity) and thereby pro- 
motes the cause of Christianity." 

If now we pass from the domain of official 
action and recognition to that of individual 
acceptance we enter a field of boundless ex- 
tent, and I can only point out a few of the 
prominent facts : 

Notice our educational institutions. I 
have already called your attention to the pro- 
visions of the charters of the first three col- 


leges. Think of the vast number of acad- 
emies, colleges and universities scattered 
through the land. Some of them, it is true, 
are under secular control, but there is yet to 
be established in this country one of those 
institutions founded on the religions of Con- 
fucius, Buddha or Mohammed, while an 
overwhelming majority are under the special 
direction and control of Christian teachers. 

Notice also the avowed and pronounced 
Christian forces of the country, and here I 
must refer to the census of 1890, for the 
statistics of the census of 1900 in these 
matters have not been compled : The popu- 
lation was 62,622,000. There were 165,000 
Christian church organizations, owning 
142,000 buildings, in which were sittings for 
40,625,000 people. The communicants in 
these churches numbered 20,476,000, and the 
value of the church property amounted to 
$669,876,000. In other words, about one- 
third of the entire population were directly 
connected with Christian organizations. 
Nearly two-thirds would find seats in our 
churches. If to the members we add the chil- 
dren and others in their families more or less 
connected with them, it is obvious that a 
large majority were attached to the various 
church organizations. I am aware that the 
relationship between many members and 


their churches is formal, and that church re- 
lations do not constitute active and para- 
mount forces in their lives, and yet it is clear 
that there is an identification of the great 
mass of American citizens with the Christian 
church. It is undoubtedly true that there 
is no little complaint of the falling off in 
church attendance, and of a lukewarmness 
on the part of many, and on the other hand 
there is a diversion of religious force along 
the lines of the Young Men's Christian As- 
sociation, the Christian Endeavor Society 
and the Epworth League. All these, of 
course, are matters to be noticed, but they do 
not avoid the fact of a formal adhesion of 
the great majority of our people to the 
Christian faith; and while creeds and dog- 
mas and denominations are in a certain sense 
losing their power, and certainly their an- 
tagonisms, yet as a vital force in the land, 
Christianity is still the mighty factor. Con- 
nected with the denominations are large mis- 
sionary bodies constantly busy in extend- 
ing Christian faith through this nation and 
through the world. No other religious or- 
ganization has anything of a foothold or is 
engaged in active work unless it be upon so 
small a scale as scarcely to be noticed in the 
great volume of American life. 

Again, the Bible is the Christian's book. 


No other book has so wide a circulation, or 
is so universally found in the households of 
the land. During their century of exist- 
ence the English and American Bible Socie- 
ties have published and circulated two hun- 
dred and fifty million copies, and this repre- 
sents but a fraction of its circulation. And 
then think of the multitude of volumes 
published in exposition, explanation and il- 
lustration of that book, or some portion 
of it. 

You will have noticed that I have presented 
no doubtful facts. Nothing has been stated 
which is debatable. The quotations from 
charters are in the archives of the several 
States ; the laws are on the statute books ; 
judicial opinions are taken from the official 
reports ; statistics from the census publica- 
tions. In short, no evidence has been pre- 
sented which is open to question. 

I could easily enter upon another line of 
examination. I could point out the general 
trend of public opinion, the disclosures of 
purposes and beliefs to be found in letters, 
papers, books and unofficial declarations. I 
could show how largely our laws and cus- 
toms are based upon the laws of Moses and 
the teachings of Christ; how constantly the 
Bible is appealed to as the guide of life and 
the authority in questions of morals : how the 


Christian doctrines are accepted as the great 
comfort in times of sorrow and affliction, 
and fill with the light of hope the services for 
the dead. On every hilltop towers the steeple 
of some Christian church, while from the 
marble witnesses in God's acre comes the 
universal but silent testimony to the com- 
mon faith in the Christian doctrine of the 
resurrection and the life hereafter. 

But I must not weary you. I could go on 
indefinitely, pointing out further illustra- 
tions both official and non-official, public and 
private; such as the annual Thanksgiving 
proclamations, with their following days of 
worship and feasting; announcements of 
days of fasting and prayer; the universal 
celebration of Christmas; the gathering of 
millions of our children in Sunday Schools, 
and the countless volumes of Christian liter- 
ature, both prose and poetry. But I have 
said enough to show that Christianity came 
to this country with the first colonists; has 
been powerfully identified with its rapid de- 
velopment, colonial and national, and to-day 
exists as a mighty factor in the life of the 
republic. This is a Christian nation, and we 
can all rejoice as truthfully we repeat the 
words of Leonard Bacon : 

"O God, beneath thy guiding hand 
Our exiled fathers crossed the sea, 


And when they trod the wintry strand, 
With prayer and psalm they worshiped 

"Thou heardst, well pleased, the song, the 
prayer — 

Thy blessing came ; and still its power 
Shall onward through all ages bear 

The memory of that holy hour. 

"Laws, freedom, truth, and faith in God 
Came with those exiles o'er the waves, 

And where their pilgrim feet have trod, 
The God they trusted guards their graves. 

"And here Thy name, O God of love, 
Their children's children shall adore, 

Till these eternal hills remove, 

And spring adorns the earth no more. ,, 





CONSIDERED last night the 
proposition that the United 
States of America is a Chris- 
tian nation. I pointed out that 
Christianity was a primary 
cause of the first settlement on 
our shores; that the organic instruments, 
charters and constitutions of the colonies 
were filled with abundant recognitions of 
it as a controlling factor in the life of 
the people; that in one at least of them 
it was in terms declared the established 
religion, while in several the furthering 
of Christianity was stated to be one of 
the purposes of the government; in many 
faith in it was a condition of holding office ; 
in some, authority was given to the legisla- 
ture to make its support a public charge ; in 
nearly all the constitutions there has been 
an express recognition of the sanctity of the 
Christian Sunday; the God of the Bible is 
appealed to again and again. Sunday laws 


have been enacted and enforced in most of 
the colonies and States. About one-third of 
the population are avowedly Christian and 
communicants in some Christian organiza- 
tion; there are sitting accommodations in 
the churches for nearly two-thirds; educa- 
tional institutions are largely under the con- 
trol of Christian denominations, and even in 
those which, in obedience to the rule of sep- 
aration between church and state, are secular 
in their organization, the principles of Chris- 
tianity are uniformly recognized. By these 
and other evidences I claim to have 
shown that the calling of this republic a 
Christian nation is not a mere pretence but 
a recognition of an historical, legal and 
social truth. 

I come this evening to consider the conse- 
quences of this fact and the duties it imposes 
upon all our citizens. 

And first let it be noticed that there is no 
incompatibility between Christianity and 
patriotism. The declaration of the Master, 
"Render therefore unto Caesar, the things 
which are Caesar's ; and unto God, the things 
that are God's," is not a declaration of an- 
tagonism between the two, but an affirma- 
tion of duty to each. Indeed, devotion to 
one generally goes hand in hand with loyalty 
to the other. When Havelock, the hero of 

4 6 

Lucknow, died, most appropriate were the 
words of the English poet : 

"Strew not on the hero's hearse 
Garlands of a herald's verse: 
Let us hear no words of Fame 
Sounding loud a deathless name : 
Tell us of no vauntful Glory 
Shouting forth her haughty story. 
All life long his homage rose 
To far other shrine than those. 
Tn hoc signo,' pale nor dim, 
Lit the battlefield for him, 
And the prize he sought and won, 
Was the crown for duty done." 

But we need not go elsewhere. In our 
own land, from the very first, Christianity 
and patriotism have worked together. When 
the Pilgrim Fathers touched New England's 
shores their first service was one of thanks- 
giving and praise to that Infinite One who 
had, as they believed, guided them to their 
new home. In the long struggles of the 
early colonists with their Indian foes, the 
building on the hill was both church and 
fort. They fell on their knees and then on 
the aboriginees, was the old satire, to which 
now is added, they fall on the Chinese. In 


the convention that framed the Constitution, 
when doubt and uncertainty hovered over 
the result, at Franklin's instance prayer was 
offered for the success of their efforts. In 
the dark days at Valley Forge the great 
leader sought strength and inspiration in 
prayer. When the nation stood aghast at 
the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, the 
clarion voice of Garfield rang out above the 
darkness and the tumult, "God reigns, and 
the government at Washington still lives." 
And so I might go on with illustration after 
illustration showing how the faith of the 
Christian has stood in times of trial and 
trouble as the rock upon which the nation 
has rested. 

Again, Christianity is entitled to the trib- 
ute of respect. I do not of course mean that 
all individuals, nominally Christian, deserve 
trust, confidence, or even respect, for the 
contrary is too often the case. Too often 
men hold religion as they do property, in 
their wives' names. Nor is Christianity be- 
yond the reach of criticism and opposition. 
It is not lifted up as something too sacred to 
be spoken of save in terms and tones of 
reverence. This is an iconoclastic and scien- 
tific age. We are destroying many beliefs 
and traditions. William Tell is a myth. The 
long hairs of Pocahontas never dropped in 


protecting folds over the body of John 
Smith. The Arabs never destroyed the great 
library at Alexandria, though if some wan- 
dering Arabs would destroy all the law books 
in the land they would bless the courts and 
help the cause of justice. We challenge the 
truthfulness of every assertion of fact, every 
demand upon our faith and confidence ; and 
Christianity must stand like all other insti- 
tutions, to be challenged, criticised, weighed 
and its merits and demerits determined. The 
time has passed in the history of the world 
when anything is too sacred to be touched, 
when anything is beyond the reach of the 
inquiring and scientific spear. But while 
conceding all this I insist that Christianity 
has been so wrought into the history of this 
republic, so identified with its growth and 
prosperity, has been and is so dear to the 
hearts of the great body of our citizens, that 
it ought not to be spoken of contemptuously 
or treated with ridicule. Religion of any 
form is a sacred matter. It involves the re- 
lation of the individual to some Being be- 
lieved to be infinitely supreme. It involves 
not merely character and life here, but des- 
tiny hereafter, and as such is not to be 
spoken of lightly or flippantly. And we who 
are citizens of this republic — recognizing the 
identification of Christianity with its life, 
4 49 

the general belief that Christianity is the 
best of all religions, that it passed into the 
lives of our fathers and is taken into the lives 
of our brethren as something of sacred 
power — ought, even if not agreeing with all 
that is claimed for it, to at least accord to 
it respect. 

I once listened to a conversation which 
illustrates my thought. It was between two 
young men returning after the close of a 
summer's vacation to the college at which 
both were students. The principal talker 
was, as I discovered in the course of the 
afternoon, an only son. On his upper lip 
was the first dark shadow of a coining mus- 
tache. He possessed that peculiar wisdom 
which belongs in this world to only the col- 
lege sophomore. He was expressing to his 
companion his views on the Bible and relig- 
ion, said he knew too much to believe in 
either; admitted that his mother believed in 
both and read her Bible every day ; said that 
that might do for women and children, but 
not for any intelligent man in the light of 
present scientific knowledge. You would 
have thought that Darwin and Huxley and 
Lord Kelvin had studied at his feet and that 
he was the Gamaliel of the present day. It 
is impossible to reproduce in language the 
self-sufficient sneering tone in which he 

spoke of the Bible, classing it with nursery 
rhymes, the story of Jack and the Beanstalk 
and the like, and the complacent pity with 
which he referred to those who were foolish 
enough to regard it as a sacred book. It is 
to be hoped that the budding sophomore 
lived long enough to learn that no gentleman 
speaks sneeringly of that which has been the 
life-long faith and comfort of his mother. 

From the standpoint of citizenship the 
treatment of Christianity may be regarded 
as in some respects similar to that which is 
accorded and is due to the national flag. 
Who looks upon that as a mere piece of 
cloth costing but a trifle, something to be de- 
rided or trampled upon at will? A particu- 
lar banner may not have cost much. It may 
be cheap to him who sees only the mate- 
rial and work which have passed into it, 
but to every patriot it is the symbol of 
patriotism. Its history is a record of glory. 
A century ago the Barbary pirates, who had 
defied the flags of Europe, saw it waving 
over Decatur's vessels and bowed in submis- 
sion. Commodore Perry sailed beneath it 
into the unknown harbors of Japan, opened 
that nation to the nineteenth century, and 
to-day her civilization and power command 
universal respect and admiration. The op- 
pressed Cuban appealed to it for deliverance, 


and in response thereto Manila and Santiago 
de Cuba introduced a new sister into the 
family of nations. 

' 'Wherever man has dared to go, 
'Mid tropic heat or polar snow, 
On sandy plain or lofty crag, 
Has waved our country's starry flag. 
In that far North where ceaseless cold 
Has built its alabaster hold, 
And where the sun disdains to show 
His brightness on unbroken snow, 
Where icy pillars tower to heaven 
Pale sentinels to nature given, 
To watch the only spot she can 
Withhold from grasping hand of man, 
There Kane unfurled this banner bright, 
Resplendent with auroral light." 

To-day it waves at the masthead of Amer- 
ican vessels in every water of the globe, and 
commands the world's respect. An insult 
to it every citizen feels is an insult to him- 
self, and all insist that it shall be accorded 
due respect. We remember how, in the early 
days of our great civil struggle, the loyal 
heart was stirred with the thrilling words of 
Secretary Dix, "If any man attempts to haul 
down the American flag, shoot him on the 
spot." We honor Stonewall Jackson, who, 

seeing Barbara Frietchie waving this ban- 
ner from the window of her home in Fred- 
erick, and the threatening guns of his sol- 
diers, called out : 

" 'Who touches a hair of yon gray head 
Dies like a dog. March on;' he said." 

We rejoice that now it floats in peace and 
triumph over all our fair land. We love to 
watch its fold swing out to the breeze on 
every patriotic day, to see it decorate the 
walls where gather our great conventions. 
We glory in every tribute that is paid to it 
in any part of the globe. It tells the story 
of conflicts, of defeats and victories. It has 
waved over many a field of battle, and the 
blood of our noblest and best has been shed 
in its defense. It is eloquent of all the suf- 
ferings and trials of days gone by, of all the 
great achievements of the American people, 
and as we swing it to the breeze we do so 
with undoubting faith that it will wave over 
grander things in the future of this republic. 

Christianity has entered into and become 
part of the life of this republic; it came with 
its beginnings and prompted them ; has been 
identified with its toils and trials, shared in 
its victories, cheered in the hour of darkness 
and gloom, and stands to-day prophetic of 


untold blessings in the future. And shall it 
be said that it alone of all our benedictions 
has forfeited a claim to receive from every 
American citizen the tribute of respect? 

Respect for Christianity implies respect- 
ful treatment of its institutions and ordi- 
nances. This does not require that every 
one must conform his life to those institu- 
tions and ordinances. That is something 
which each one has a right to settle for him- 
self. Take, for instance, the matter of 
church services. No one is in duty bound 
as a citizen to attend a particular church 
service, or indeed any church service. The 
freedom of conscience, the liberty of the 
individual, gives to every individual the 
right to attend or stay away. At the same 
time there is an obligation not to unneces- 
sarily interfere with or disturb those serv- 
ices. This is something more than the duty 
which rests upon one attending those serv- 
ices to avoid the ungentlemanly and unseemly 
act of disturbing the exercises. That is only 
a part of the common courtesy of all going 
into a gathering assembled for any lawful 
purpose. They who call the meeting and 
who are engaged in service of any legiti- 
mate character have a right to be free from 
annoyance and interference. But beyond 
that the citizen who does not attend, does 

not even share in the belief of those who do, 
ought ever to bear in mind the noble part 
Christianity has taken in the history of the 
republic, the great share it has had in her 
wonderful development and its contribution 
to her present glory, and by reason thereof 
take pains to secure to those who do believe 
in it and do attend its services freedom from 
all disturbance of their peaceful gathering. 
The American Christian is entitled to his 
quiet hour. 

Take another illustration, — Sunday. Its 
separation from the other days as a day of 
rest is enforced by the legislation of nearly 
all if not all the States of the Union. Beyond 
that it is to the Christian a sacred day. It 
does not follow that it is the duty of every 
individual to observe the Sabbath as Chris- 
tians do. Indeed, there is no unanimity of 
view among the latter as to the manner in 
which it should be observed. We have gone 
far away from the Puritan Sabbath and the 
austere, severe observance of it which pre- 
vailed in the early days of New England 
colonies, and which made the day a terror 
to children as well as burdensome to adults. 
I believe it is conceded that notwithstand- 
ing the fabled blue laws of New England, a 
man may without impropriety kiss his wife 
on Sunday and possibly if he have a chance 


some other sweet-faced woman. That old- 
time terror has been superceded by gentler 
and kindlier modes of observance, which 
tend to make the day welcome to all, both 
young and old, one in which is not merely 
rest from the ordinary toils of the 
week, but one in which the companion- 
ship of friends, the sweet influences of 
nature, and lessons from the higher forms 
of music and other arts are recognized as 
among its benedictions. While the latter 
modes, though very likely more helpful, 
more really Christian, are a great departure 
from the former, yet it still remains true that 
it is a day consecrated of old, a day sepa- 
rated by law and religion as well as by the 
custom of the church for ages, and ought 
not to be turned into a day of public frivolity 
and gayety. While it may be true that all 
are not under obligations to conform to the 
higher and better uses of the day, yet at least 
they owe that respect to Christianity to pur- 
sue their frivolities and gaieties in such a 
way as not to offend those who believe in 
its sacredness. I recognize the fact that it is 
not always easy to draw the line and that 
freedom implies not merely the freedom of 
those who would keep the day sacred, but 
also the freedom of those who do not so re- 
gard it. 


Again, it deserves the attention and study 
of every citizen. You are all patriots, you 
love your country, are proud of its past and 
mean to so live and act that you can help it 
to the best possible future. Now, as I have 
pointed out, Christianity was a. principal 
cause of the settlements on these western 
shores. It has been identified with the 
growth and development of those settle- 
ments into the United States of America, 
has so largely shaped and molded it that to- 
day of all the nations in the world it is the 
most justly called a Christian nation. In 
order to determine what we ought to do for 
the future of the republic we must review 
its history, inquire into the causes which 
have made its growth and influenced its 
life, ascertained which have been the most 
controlling and which have helped on the 
better side of its development, and why 
they have been so influential. I have 
shown that Christianity has been a great 
factor, and the student of our history will 
find that it has been a helpful and uplift- 
ing factor. Making full allowance for all 
the imperfections and mistakes which have 
attended it, as they attend all human insti- 
tutions, I am sure that the student will be 
convinced that its general influence upon 
our national life has been for the better. 


It has always stood for purity of the home, 
and who doubts that our homes have been 
the centers of the holiest living. It is Mor- 
monism, Mohammedanism and heathenism 
and not Christianity which have proclaimed 
polygamy and debased woman from the 
sacred place of wife to the lower level of 
concubine. It is not Christianity which has 
sustained the social evil. All through our 
history, colonial and national, the hope and 
ambition of every young man and woman 
have been for a home of their own, into 
which one husband and one wife shall enter, 
"and they twain shall be one flesh." One of 
the sad features of city life to-day is the 
crowding into apartments, where the janitor 
is master of the house and the independence 
of the home life is only partially secured. 
The barracks around our great manufactur- 
ing establishments are freighted with equally 
sad significance. While admitting this tem- 
porary departure we rejoice that this has 
been pre-eminently a land of homes, whether 
in the city, or village, or country. And the 
power which has ever stood in the land for 
the purity of home life has been a crown of 
glory to the republic. 

It has stood for business honesty and in- 
tegrity. Its proclamation has been the 
golden rule. Do unto others as you would 


they should do unto you, is a summons 
to honesty and fair dealing in all business 
as well as other relations in life. The 
Master never suggested that ability to keep 
outside the penitentiary was a sufficient test 
of honesty. 

It has stood for liberty and the rights of 
man. In the great revolutionary struggle 
the trusted counselors of the people were the 
preachers. While they may not be known 
in history as the leaders, were not the law- 
yers to draft the statutes and the constitu- 
tion, nor the military heroes to command the 
armies, yet the local centers of influence 
were the Christian churches, and the Chris- 
tian preachers were the men who kept the 
mass of the people loyal to the leadership of 
Washington and his associates. And in the 
later struggle for human liberty Christianity 
was always on the advance line. Those of 
us who remember the ante-bellum days re- 
call the bitter flings that were made against 
preachers in politics. That was signifi- 
cant of the recognized truth that they were 
leading the great mass of the loyal people 
on in that most wonderful civil war of all 
the ages. That struggle, as every one 
knows, commenced on the plains of Kansas, 
and the New England emigrant crossed 
those plains, singing the song of Whittier : 


"We go to plant our common schools 
On distant prairie swells, 
And give the Sabbaths of the wild 
The music of her bells. 

"Upbearing like the ark of old, 
The Bible in our van, 
We go to test the truth of God 
Against the fraud of man." 

And all during the terrible days of the 
great war, from every Union camp and com- 
pany rolled up the majestic music of the 
battle hymn of the republic : 

"In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born 

across the sea, 
With a glory in his bosom that transfigures 

you and me : 
As he died to make men holy, let us die to 

make men free, 
While God is marching on." 

It has stood for education. I have already 
called your attention to this matter in proof 
of the Christian character of the nation. It 
may be added that outside of the institutions 
with direct State support nearly every acad- 
emy, college and university was founded by 
and is under the control of some one of the 

several Christian denominations. Indeed, a 
frequent criticism of many is that they are 
too much under such control. Certain is it 
that they would never have come into being 
but for the denominations back of them. 
Up to a recent date the rule was that the 
presidents and an exceedingly large major- 
ity of the faculty of all these institutions 
be ministers. It was a national surprise 
when first a layman was elected a college 
president. In the common schools the Bible 
has been as much a text-book as the New 
England primer. It is only within very late 
years that any objection has been raised to 
its daily use, and that objection has sprung 
as much from differences between the Cath- 
olic and Protestant denominations concern- 
ing the version to be used as from opposi- 
tion to the book itself. 

It has stood for the great charities and 
benevolences of the land. What single or- 
ganization has done more for the orphan 
than the Catholic Church? What one, 
through hospital and asylum, more for the 
sick and afflicted? If you were to select a 
single face and form as the typical expres- 
sion of the great thought of charity and 
kindness, whose would you select other than 
the face and form of a Sister of Charity? 


"The Little Sister of the Poor. 

"Amid the city's dust and din 
Your patient feet have trod ; 
Wherever sorrow is or sin 
You do the work of God. 

"You seem in many a shadowed place 
A glory from above, 
The peace of heaven is in your face, 
And in your heart is love. 

"Your brow is lined with other's cares, 
And aches for others' needs ; 
You bless the dying with your prayers, 
The living with your deeds. 

"You sow the wayside hope that lives 
Where else were only death ; 
Your love is like the rain that gives 
Heaven's secret to the earth. 

"The pitying thoughts that fill your eyes, 
And rob your years of rest, 
That lead you still where misery sighs 
And life is all unblest, 

"Are as the tears that angels shed 
O'er darkened lives forlorn — 
Stars in the gloom till night has fled, 
And dew on earth at morn." 

In times when epidemics rage, when death 
seems to haunt every city home, who are the 
devoted ones to risk their lives in caring for 
the sick and paying the last offices to the 
dead? Surely as the vision of this rises in 
your mind you see the presence and form 
of those whose faith is in the Man of Galilee. 

It has stood for peace. I need not content 
myself by referring to that Christian denom- 
ination, one of whose distinguishing tenets 
is unqualified opposition to all wars. I can 
with safety point to the great body of those 
who in days gone by have been the cham- 
pions of the cause of peace ; to the memorials 
which have been presented to the two Houses 
of Congress in favor of arbitration ; to those 
who are at the head of the various peace 
societies, and who are always found upon 
the platforms at their gatherings, and whose 
voices are most constant and potent in its 
behalf. Indeed, strike from the history of 
this country all that the Christian Church 
has done in the interest and to further the 
cause of peace and there is not as much life 
left as was found in the barren fig tree. 

It has stood for temperance. Not that it 
has stood alone, but it has been a leader. 
The foremost advocates of the cause have 
been pronounced Christians. Frances Wil- 
lard was president of the Woman's Chris- 


tian Temperance Union, not of the Woman's 
Mohammedan Temperance Union, and the 
White Ribboners are not disciples of Con- 
fucius or Buddha. The churches have been 
the places of the great gatherings of the 
friends of temperance. Indeed, when you 
survey the efforts made to further that cause 
you will find that running through them all 
Christianity has been distinctively present. 

In short, it has sought to write into the 
history of this nation the glowing words of 
the apostle: 

"Love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentle- 
ness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance; 
against such there is no law." 

It has stood for all these things because 
they represent its thought and purpose. So 
he who studies the history of the country, 
finding this to be the lesson of its influence 
upon our history, can but be led to the con- 
clusion not merely that it has been a potent 
factor in the life of the nation, but also that 
it has been a healthful and helpful factor. 
When one who loves his country realizes 
this fact, does there not open before him 
a clear vision of his duty to further its influ- 
ence. If in the past it has done so much 
and so well for the country is there any 
reason to doubt that strengthened and ex- 
tended it will continue the same healthful 

6 4 

and helpful influence? It has been often 
said that Christian nations are the civilized 
nations, and as often that the most thor- 
oughly Christian are the most highly civil- 
ized. Is this a mere coincidence? Study 
well the history of Christianity in its rela- 
tion to the nation and it will be found that 
it is something more than a mere coinci- 
dence, that there is between the two the 
relation of cause and effect, and that the 
more thoroughly the principles of Christian- 
ity reach into and influence the life of the 
nation the more certainly will that nation 
advance in civilization. At least it is the 
duty of every patriot, finding that it has been 
such a factor in our life, to inquire whether 
it does stand to its civilization in the rela- 
tion of cause and effect, and it would be in 
the highest degree unphilosophical to assume 
that there has been only a coincidence, and 
therefore that its presence in the nation is a 
matter of indifference. 

If found that it has been both a potent 
and helpful factor in the development of our 
a helpful factor in the development of our 
civilization, then it is a patriot's duty to up- 
hold it and extend its influence. This is in 
line with the general obligation which rests 
upon all to help everything which tends to 
the bettering of the life of the republic. 

6 5 

Who does not recognize that obligation in 
other directions? 

To-day a, prevalent belief is that in order 
to maintain our position in the world, a posi- 
tion which has rapidly changed from one of 
isolation to that of intimate relation with all 
nations, we ought to pay larger attention to 
our navy. If that belief is well founded, if 
it be true that a larger and more efficient 
navy is essential to the maintenance of our 
position in the world, then who will question 
the duty of every citizen? May we antag- 
onize that which the nation's interests de- 
mand? Shall we through selfishness or in- 
difference permit that which means the well- 
being and glory of the nation to become 
weak or to fail altogether? Who hesitates 
about the answer to such a question? So 
with our commerce. Is it not praiseworthy 
effort on the part of each and all to enlarge 
that commerce and thus to add to the pros- 
perity which attends a successful world com- 
merce ? 

Or to come closer to those things which 
touch the social and moral well-being of the 
nation, who doubts a patriot's duty to fur- 
ther the cause of education ? Who questions 
that the best interests of the republic are 
prompted by extending education to all? 
And can any one, doing justice to himself, 

and without violating his duty to the repub- 
lic, plead that he is wholly indifferent to the 
matter? Take another illustration— civil 
service reform. I shall not enter into any 
argument in its favor. I assume that the 
principle of it commends itself to the 
thoughtful as something which, wisely ad- 
ministered, will eliminate much of the pitiful 
scramble for office and secure a better ad- 
ministration of public affairs. Upon that 
assumption who does not feel that he has a 
duty in so far as in him lies to further the 
movement in its favor? It may be that it 
has not yet accomplished that which its 
friends believe it possible of accomplishing; 
that much is to be done before it is placed 
upon a permanent and efficient basis. And 
yet if it be something which in its develop- 
ment will redound to the national well-being 
is there not a duty resting upon all to 
strengthen and perfect it? 

Now these are mere illustrations of the 
duty which, as patriotic citizens, we all feel 
in reference to those measures which tend 
to promote the well-being of the republic. 
Upon what grounds may we recognize our 
obligations in these directions and decline 
to do anything to extend and make more 
efficient the principles of Christianity? I 
am not now presenting this as a question 


affecting the life hereafter. I am putting it 
before you simply as a citizen's duty; as a 
matter affecting only the well-being and 
glory of the republic. You may concede 
that, as illustrated by the lives of its pro- 
fessed followers, Christianity comes far short 
of what you think it ought to be, and yet if 
you believe that its spirit and principles are 
freighted with blessing to the individual as 
well as to the nation, is it not an obvious 
duty to seek to purify it in the individual 
and strengthen it in the nation ? The selfish 
spirit is not a commendable element in the 
life of a true citizen. It is as old as scrip- 
ture that no man liveth unto himself alone, 
and in the marvelously and increasingly in- 
timate relations of individuals one to the 
other and the growing power of the citizen 
over the life of the nation, the unselfish pa- 
triot must always consider not simply his 
own interests, his own comfort and conven- 
ience, but those things which make for the 
well-being of all. 

The significance of this duty has another 
aspect. No man liveth unto himself alone, 
may be broadened into, no nation liveth unto 
itself alone. Neighbor is no longer confined 
to the vocabulary of the individual. It is a 
national word. Modern inventions have an- 
nihilated distance. Commercial relations 

have broken down barriers of race and relig- 
ion, and the family of nations is a recog- 
nized fact. This republic has joined in the 
movement of the age. She no longer lives 
an isolated life separated by the oceans from 
the great powers of the world. She sits in 
the councils of the nations and we rejoice 
to speak of her and hear her spoken of as a 
world power. Indeed, some begin to think 
ambitiously of this republic as a sort of in- 
ternational policeman, with the right to ex- 
ercise all the functions of a policeman in pre- 
serving order and keeping peace. The Mon- 
roe Doctrine is to be extended. Xo longer 
simply a prohibition upon further European 
colonies, but a declaration that if any Euro- 
pean power claims anything from any nation 
on this hemisphere it must appeal to the 
United States and not attempt to assert by 
force its claims. We propose to administer 
the estate of San Domingo, even before its 
death. We intend to preserve the integrity 
of China. We intimated to Russia that the 
Jews must no longer be persecuted. We are 
disposed to say to Turkey that Armenian 
life and property must be safe, and we hear, 
as the Apostle of old, the cry, "Come over 
into Macedonia and help us." I do not stop 
to discuss whether we are not overdoing in 
this direction; whether it is wise wholly to 


forget Washington's farewell advice to avoid 
entangling alliances with other nations. 
Neither shall I attempt to criticize the re- 
cently announced maxim of national duty, 
"speak softly, but carry a big stick." But of 
one thing I am sure. In no other way can 
this republic become a world power in the 
noblest sense of the word than by putting 
into her life and the lives of her citizens the 
spirit and principles of the great founder of 
Christianity. We have faith in the future 
of the United States. We believe she will 
advance in many directions. She may in- 
crease her territory, add to her population, 
her commerce may grow larger, her accu- 
mulations in wealth surpass the wildest 
dreams of the Pilgrim Fathers, her inventive 
skill subject all the forces of nature to do 
her bidding and surround every home with 
comforts and luxuries unknown even to the 
present day. Besides her statues and paint- 
ings the chiseled beauties of Phidias and the 
pictured splendors of Raphael may seem the 
works of tyros, her literature may dwarf all 
the achievements of the writers and thinkers 
of ages past and thus she may tower in 
greatness in the sight of the world. But 
grander far, and far more potential over the 
nations will she be when the beatitudes be- 
come the magna charta of her life and her 

citizens live in full obedience to the Golden 
Rule. Then, and not until then, will all 
nations and their peoples join rejoicingly 
with our citizens in this triumphal song to 
the great republic : 

"Thou, too, sail on, oh Ship of State! 
Sail on, oh, Union, strong and great ! 
Humanity with all its fears. 
With all the hopes of future years, 
Is hanging breathless on thy fate! 
We know what Master laid thy keel, 
What workmen wrought thy ribs of steel, 
Who made each mast, and sail, and rope, 
What anvils rang, what hammers beat, 
In what a forge and what a heat 
Were shaped the anchors of thy hope ! 
Fear not each sudden sound and shock, 
'Tis of the wave and not the rock; 
'Tis but the flapping of the sail. 
And not a rent made by the gale! 
In spite of rock and tempest's roar, 
In spite of false lights on the shore, 
Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea ! 
Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee, 
Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 
Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, 
Are all with thee, — are all with thee!" 





AXD now, what of the future? If 
Christianity has been so largely 
identified with the life of this 
nation and identified in a help- 
ful and blessing way, what 
promise and possibilities does 
it bring of the future? Of course what- 
ever tends to the better life of the individ- 
ual, helps to promote the welfare of the 
nation. Anything that conduces to per- 
sonal purity, morality and integrity, in- 
creases the same characteristics in the com- 
munity. It needs no declaration of scrip- 
ture to convince that "righteousness exalteth 
a nation; but sin is a reproach to any peo- 
ple." In so far, therefore, as the principles 
and precepts of Christianity develop right- 
eousness in the individual, to the same ex- 
tent will a similar result be found in the life 
of the nation. This subject in its general 
features opens the door to extended discus- 


sion and is susceptible of many illustrations. 
The contrast between the standard of life in 
a heathen and that in a Christian nation 
shows the range of examination into which 
we may enter. 

Out of the wide field of illustration, let me 
call your attention to one or two matters in 
which the Christian character of this repub- 
lic shines out with richest promise. One 
arises from the fact that this nation is com- 
posed of people of various races and not 
wholly or even substantially of one. We 
all have read the story of the dispersion at 
Babel. That story may not be the narration 
of an actual experience, yet it is a correct 
foreshadowing of the world's history. In 
whatsoever way it commenced, through all 
the ages the inhabitants of the globe have 
been gathered in separate localities, each race 
or tribe occupying its own locality. The 
history of the world is one long story of 
strife between nation and nation, tribe and 
tribe, race and race. And everywhere to- 
day, except here, we find within the territory 
of a nation one race alone, or so nearly 
alone, that it is supremely dominant. You 
go to Germany and the Germans are there, 
forming the substantial controlling part of 
the population. There may be a few for- 
eigners engaged in business or travel, some 


may even make it their home, but it is a 
German nation pure and simple, and the 
other races have no place in its life. In 
France, Russia, Turkey, it is the same. But 
in this republic it is different, and no race 
monopolizes American life. The dispersion 
at Babel has ended on the banks of the Mis- 
sissippi. And the races that once separated 
and have continued separate and antagonis- 
tic for untold centuries are mingling here 
in a common life. 

While all doubtless have in a general way 
some notion of the many foreigners in our 
midst, few realize the extent to which this 
nation is made up of different races. Let 
me give a few figures taken from the census 
of 1900. The total population was 76,000,- 
000, of which 67,000,000 were white, and 
9,000,000 colored. That is one race, 9,000,- 
000, out of the 76,000,000. Of the white 
population there were of native parentage 
41,000,000, of foreign, 26,000,000. Of the 
latter, 10,000,000 were also of foreign birth; 
and when you speak of foreign parentage 
you must remember that almost all of us, 
going back two or three generations, will 
find foreign ancestors. Of the 26,000,000 
of foreign parentage there were (counting 
by hundreds of thousands) from Austria, 
400,000; Bohemia, 400,000; Canada, 2,100,- 


ooo; Denmark, 300,000; England, 2,100,- 
000; France, 300,000; Italy, 700,000; Ger- 
many, 7,800,000; Hungary, 200,000; Ire- 
land, 5,000,000; Norway, 800,000; Poland, 
700,000; Russia, 700,000; Scotland, 600,- 
000; Sweden, 1,100,000; Switzerland, 300,- 
000; Wales, 200,000; other nations, 1,100,- 
000, and of mixed parentage, 1,300,000. 

This multitude is here, not as travelers, 
not with a view of temporary sojourn, but 
to make this their home. They are invited 
under our law to become and they do be- 
come citizens, sharing with us the duties and 
responsibilities of citizenship, so that we 
have gathered as members of our nation 
hundreds of thousands from almost every 
race on the face of the globe. They come, 
bringing with them that antagonism of race 
which has continued for centuries. The old 
quarrels are not forgotten. They bring with 
them differences in habits and thoughts, in 
political hopes and convictions, differences 
of religious faith, and in many instances a 
lack of any faith. They come and are 
merged into the life of this nation, and are, 
as you and I, to make its destiny. They 
form part of the forces which are to shape 
the future of this country. Some think, or 
say they think, that there is no such thing 
as an overruling Providence, that we are 


mere atoms of matter tossed to and fro on 
the face of the earth, and that here is the 
beginning and the end. They do not take 
into thought the great life of the ages, or 
measure its movements from its first feeble 
steps ; and yet they sometimes feel compelled 
to admit that it seems as though there were 
something more than mere blind chance. I 
remember that Speaker Reed once said in a 
public address (I am not quoting his exact 
words) that while he himself was not much 
of a believer in special providences, it did 
seem as though these things — referring to 
some of the great events of history — were 
brought about by an intelligent and infinite 
Being. You may fancy that the mingling of 
all these races in this country is a mere acci- 
dent ; that it simply happened so. And yet if 
you will reflect a little you will be led to the 
conclusion that, as Tennyson writes : 

"Through the ages one increasing purpose 

Four centuries ago the nations in the then 
known world were living their isolated and 
separate lives. Racial antagonism was per- 
sistent. There was little intercourse be- 
tween them. Education was practically un- 
known. There were a few learned men here 
and there. The common people were crushed 


to earth. Religion, the religion of Christ, 
was largely buried beneath a mass of super- 
stitions. The Bible was a chained book. 
The world was creeping on through the 
darkness of the Middle Ages, and the morn- 
ing seemed away off in the distance. Then 
Gutenberg invented printing. Luther said 
the Bible must be an open book. The masses 
began to read and dream of liberty. Colum- 
bus declared that there was a land away to 
to the west, he journeyed in little caravels 
across the ocean, and America was discov- 
ered. To the temperate part of this western 
continent came the Huguenot from France, 
the Pilgrim from England, the persecuted 
from different lands, and settled along the 
Atlantic shore. Religion was a potent fac- 
tor in the settlement of these colonies. Now 
is it not strange that by mere chance, print- 
ing, a free Bible, an unoccupied country, and 
an absorbing desire for greater liberty should 
come about the same time, and that as the 
outcome of this coincidence there should set- 
tle upon the virgin soil of this new conti- 
nent colonies escaping from persecution and 
bringing here education, liberty and relig- 
ion ? And then is it not singular that to this 
new continent there should come through 
the years that followed, from every race on 
the face of the globe, a multitude seeking a 

new home, settling beneath the Stars and 
Stripes, feeling that in some way or other 
this was the place where the great destinies 
of the future were to be wrought out? Is 
this all accidental ? Does it not suggest that 
in the councils of eternity, long before man 
began to be, it was planned that here in this 
republic should be worked out the unity of 
the race — a unity made possible by the influ- 
ences of education and the power of Chris- 
tianity? Certainly, to me it is a supreme 
conviction, growing stronger and stronger 
as the years go by, that this is one purpose 
of Providence in the life of this republic, 
and that to this end we are to take from 
every race its strongest and best elements 
and characteristics, and mold and fuse them 
into one homeogeneous American life. 

Some of you know something about com- 
posite photography, and how face after face 
is thrown upon the same plate until a picture 
is produced which is a representation of 
thirty or forty faces, one upon another. As 
you look at this composite picture you see 
that the marked and strong characteristics 
of each face are visible, while the weak ones 
are lost. America is the great national pho- 
tographer. She takes from every race its 
best elements and is to mold them into one 
American character. 

6 81 

What does all this mean? If there be a 
purpose running through the life of the 
world, is it not plain that one thought in the 
divine plan was that in this republic should 
be unfolded and developed in the presence of 
the world the Christian doctrine of the 
fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of 
man? To the full realization of this some- 
thing more is necessary than a mere unit- 
ing in the active duties of our daily life; 
something more than interracial marriages 
bringing the races into one common stock; 
something more than a mingling in toil, 
whether on the farm, in the shop, the factory 
or the office, the working together in the 
same political parties, or the prosecution of 
the same lines of study and identification in 
all material interests. Beyond all this must 
be developed the essentials of a pure family 
life, a community of thought and purpose in 
those higher things which make for the bet- 
terment of all. It is not that here one race 
shall be enabled to rise to the fullest develop- 
ment of its capacity, while all other races 
are ministering to that uplifting, but rather 
that each and every one of every race should 
be given the amplest opportunity for his own 
elevation. No perfect family exists where 
one is bound down with the lower duties in 
order that another shall rise. It exists only 

when each is given the fullest possible scope 
for his own uprising. There will always be 
diversity of work, but the open door must 
be before every one. 

For the realization of this can anything be 
more potent than the golden rule, the pres- 
ence of the spirit of Christianity? Under 
its power each will be faithful in the work 
he does, while evermore to him is out- 
stretched the helping hand of all. And so 
it will be that all races mingling in the com- 
mon American life will give to it of their 
best, and here, first of all, will be realized the 
fulfillment of the final prayer of the Master 
in the Upper Chamber, "That they all may 
be one ; as Thou, Father, art in me, and I in 
Thee." Surely this republic may glory in 
the opportunity through its Christian life 
and power of winning for herself the great 
glory of such achievement. 

Another door of promise is open in the 
opportunity before her of realizing within 
her borders the highest standard of life. One 
of the pressing dangers facing all civilized 
nations is the enervating influence of wealth 
and great material development. That was 
the one thing which sapped the life of the 
great nations of antiquity and buried them 
in the tombs of their own vices. In each 
there was a wonderful accumulation of 


wealth, marvelous manifestations of mate- 
rial splendor, but the moral character of 
their citizens was undermined thereby and 
they declined and fell. The hanging gar- 
dens of Babylon, the pyramids of Egypt, the 
sculptured beauty which lined the streets of 
Athens, and all that luxurious display which 
attended the centering in Rome of the prod- 
ucts of the civilizations of the earth in their 
day provoked the admiration and were the 
boast of their citizens. They passed through 
the same round of experience. Wealth 
brought luxury, luxury brought vice and vice 
was followed by ruin and decay. And now 
we dig through the accumulating dust of cen- 
turies to find even the ruins of their vanished 

To-day we are in the presence of a like 
marvelous material development. It is one 
of the phenomena which attracts everybody's 
attention. Yon hear on all sides descriptions 
of the wonderful things which the scientific 
mind and the ingenious skill of the country 
is accomplishing. The skyscrapers, the tun- 
nels, the railroads, the mighty steamships, 
the telegraph, the cable, the telephone, all 
these things, with their accompanying con- 
veniences and luxuries, are before us. I 
am not here to say aught against the mag- 
nificence of this material development, but, 

8 4 

remember it is only a means to an end. We 
do not live to make bricks and mortar, nor 
to build skyscrapers. You go on the banks 
of the Nile, and there, rivalling all that we 
have builded, stand those gloomy, lofty pyra- 
mids, as they have stood for century after 
century, looking out over the silent sands, 
speaking no word to humanity of cheer and 
encouragement, telling no tale of something 
done for the betterment of the race, and in 
their cold, sad solitude witnesses only to 
unrequited toil in behalf of men whose 
names have almost vanished from history. 
Macauley, in one of his beautiful essays, 
suggests that possibly the time may come 
when some South Sea Islander will stand on 
the broken arches of London Bridge, look- 
ing upon the deserted ruins of that city and 
wondering at the civilization that in it once 
prevailed. That which alone will save this 
country from the destiny which has attended 
those nations which have vanished into ob- 
livion, that which will make our marvelous 
material development something for the 
glory of humanity and the upbuilding and 
permanence of this republic, is the putting 
into the life of the nation the conviction 
that the purpose and end of all is the build- 
ing up of a better manhood and womanhood. 
How is this to be accomplished? Not 


certainly by giving up all our thought to 
material development. "As a man thinketh, 
so is he." And if the nation puts all its 
energies and thought into simply the work 
of extending its commerce, improving its 
highways, building up great cities and add- 
ing to its manufactures, it may expect the 
fate which attended those departed nations. 

Neither is it accomplished by any incul- 
cation of the merely utilitarian philosophy of 
a selfish morality. Honesty undoubtedly is 
the best policy. It is a maxim, good in itself, 
but if the only thought is of the pecuniary 
results of such a policy it will fail. He who 
is honest in his dealings simply because of 
the social prestige and position it secures will 
never develop his higher nature, but will 
always live along the lower lines. You must 
fill the soul with the impulses of the higher 
spirit of righteousness, the spirit that makes 
justice and uprightness things to be sought 
after because of their own blessed influences 
upon the individual — that spirit which is 
measured not by its capacity for coinage into 
dollars, but by its power upon the life. The 
better life rests less on the prohibitions of 
the Ten Commandments and more on the 
parable of the Good Samaritan and the 
Golden Rule. The rich man who came to the 
Master, declared in reference to the Com- 

mandments, "All these have I kept from my 
youth up," but his weakness was pierced by 
the searching reply, "One thing thou yet 
lackest ; go — sell whatsoever thou hast — and 
follow me." In other words, Christianity, 
entering into the life of the individual, and 
thus into the life of the nation, is the only 
sure antidote for the poisonous touch of mere 
material prosperity. Do you ever doubt the 
outcome, or dread to think of the possible 
future of the republic ? Remember that — 

"Behind the dim unknown, 
Standeth God within the shadow, keeping 
watch above His own." 

Another illustration is in its influence for 
peace in the world. Christianity is called the 
gospel of peace. Among the names which 
in prophecy were ascribed to its founder is 
that of "Prince of Peace." At the time of 
his birth it is said that the doors of the 
Temple of Janus in Rome were closed by 
reason of the fact that peace for the time 
being prevailed in all the nations. Among 
the last words to his disciples in the upper 
chamber were, "Peace I leave with you." 
The dream of the warring world has ever 
been of the coming of a time when peace 


should prevail. War, however just, how- 
ever righteous, is attended with unspeakable 
horrors. All accept General Sherman's char- 
acterization that "war is hell." It is to the 
glory of this nation that it has already done 
so much in the interests of peace and to 
minimize the horrors of war. In Jay's 
Treaty with Great Britain, in 1794, there 
were stipulations against the confiscation of 
debts due from the individuals of the one 
nation to individuals of the other, and for 
the peaceful residence of citizens of either 
nation in the territory of the other during 
the continuance of the war. At the time 
of the French Revolution our govern- 
ment issued stringent orders in respect to 
the preservation of neutrality — so stringent 
as to call from Mr. Hall, the recent leading 
English writer on international law, the 
declaration that "the policy of the United 
States in 1793 constitutes an epoch in the 
development of the usages of neutrality." 
During the administration of Mr. Monroe 
our government proposed to France, Eng- 
land and Russia, that in times of war mer- 
chant vessels and their cargoes belonging to 
subjects of belligerent powers should be ex- 
empt from capture. While we did not assent 
in 1856 to the Declaration of Paris, by 
which privateering was abolished, we of- 

fered to agree to it if the nations would con- 
sent that private property on the seas should 
be free from capture. Since then we have 
agreed to the abolition of privateering. The 
proclamations of our Presidents at the com- 
mencements of recent wars and the decisions 
of our Supreme Court have been along the 
line of ameliorating the hardships of war. 
We stood with Great Britain at The Hague 
Conference as the most earnest advocates of 
the establishment of an international arbitra- 
tion tribunal, and in the Orient, China and 
Japan each recognize this government as of 
all, the most free from selfish motives in its 
treatment of them and action for them. The 
integrity of China depends on this republic, 
and the territorial limits of the present war 
have been narrowed at our instance. Our 
international relations have been lifted from 
the lower to a higher plane. Diplomatic 
language is no longer a means of concealing, 
but of expressing thought and purpose. 
Neither Machiavelli nor Tallyrand is the 
type of American diplomacy. 

Does the day of peace seem a long way 
off? Think of the ages upon ages during 
which, even within the limits of a nation with 
its compact and unifying forces, has been 
evolving the supremacy of right over might 
and the settlement of disputes by judicial 

8 9 

action rather than physical force. We have 
no reason to expect a speedy coming of the 
day when the judicial function will settle all 
disputes between nations. A nation may be 
born in a day, but the great truths which 
make for the glory and uplift of the race 
only through long ages permeate and con- 
trol humanity. We must have the divine 
patience and understand the divine mathe- 
matics of a thousand years as one day. 
There w T ill yet be wars and rumors of wars. 
Our own loved land will not be exempt. The 
cry for a larger navy will long be a party 
slogan. The air will be resonant with the 
blare of bugles. The tramp, tramp, of armed 
battalions will be along our streets. Statues 
of our great commanders will be seen in all 
our parks and buildings, and present history 
will be filled with the story of military and 
naval achievements. But the leaven of the 
immortal truth that right rather than might 
attests the ideal life is already working in 
the mass of humanity, and slowly it will 
leaven the whole lump. I am not here to 
make light of the patriotic devotion of our 
military and naval heroes. I would not take 
one jot or title from all the glory which at- 
tends our army and navy and crowns with 
laurel its heroes. But at the same time I 
want to affirm my faith that the laurels of 

peace are more enduring than those of war. 
Time, which is the Almighty's great right 
hand of recompense, will brighten the one 
while it dims the other. John Marshall will 
be remembered when Winfield Scott is for- 
gotten. In the far off future the names of 
our greatest commanders will fill a lessening 
space in the horizon of history, while with 
ever brightening splendor will shine the 
name of America's peace-loving and golden- 
rule diplomat, Secretary John Hay. The 
measure of fame will be meted out by Him 
who has declared that He will lay judgment 
to the line and righteousness to the plummet. 
Is not it a great thing to be a leader among 
the nations in the effort to bring on that 
day when the sword shall be beaten into the 
ploughshare and the spear into the pruning 
hook, and when war shall cease? And the 
more thoroughly this republic is filled with 
the spirit of the gospel, the more universal 
the rule of Christianity in the hearts of our 
people, the more certainly will she ever be 
the welcome leader in movements for peace 
among the nations. 

Nineteen centuries ago there broke upon 
the startled ears of Judea's shepherds watch- 
ing their flocks beside the village of Bethle- 
hem, the only angel's song ever heard by the 
children of earth: 


"It came upon the midnight clear, 

That glorious song of old, 
From angels bending near the earth 

To touch their harps of gold : 
' Peace on the earth, good-will to men 
From Heaven's all gracious king/ ' 

The air above Judea's plains no longer 
pulsates with the waves of this celestial song. 
For sad and weary centuries the march of 
humanity upwards has been through strife 
and blood. But a growing echo of the heav- 
enly music is filling the hearts of men and 
the time will come, the blessed time will 
come — 

"When the whole world gives back the song 
Which now the angels sing." 

One thing more. Whatever difference of 
opinion there may be as to the divinity of 
the Man of Galilee, His position as a man 
is confessedly supreme. Renan, the brilliant 
French writer, closed his life of Christ with 
these words : 

"Whatever the unexpected phenomena of 
the future, Jesus will never be surpassed. 
His worship will constantly renew its youth, 
the legend of His life will bring ceaseless 
tears, his sufferings will soften the best 

hearts; all the ages will proclaim that, 
amongst the sons of men, none has been 
born who is greater than Jesus." 

By common consent he stands the most 
potent individual force for the highest 
things of life. How strange it is that a 
Galilean youth, away from the centers of 
civilization, untaught in the schools, living 
a humble life among country people, famil- 
iar with poverty and having no place 
whereon to lay His head, dying at the age of 
thirty-three, after only three years of public 
presentation of Himself, at the time making 
so little impression on the life of the world 
that only a single word or two respecting 
Him is found in the records of Rome, the 
great center of civilization — should now, 
after the lapse of nineteen centuries, be re- 
vered as Divine by millions upon millions, be 
universally acknowledged as the most up- 
lifting power known to humanity and whose 
power is ever widening until it touches all 
quarters of the globe. Faith in Him goes 
hand in hand with the highest civilization, 
and all realize that the more His spirit enters 
into one's life the better that life becomes. 
In the light of this admitted fact, can any 
one look thoughtfully upon the future of 
this nation without believing that if His 
spirit shall become more and more potent 


not merely the individual citizens, but the 
nation as a whole will rise in all the ele- 
ments of moral grandeur and power. 

With patriotic and prophetic vision we 
see our beloved country advancing, not alone 
along the lines of material prosperity and 
accumulating wealth, but also along the bet- 
ter lines of increasing intelligence and a 
loftier sense of duty. We see her quickened 
by the ennobling power of the golden rule, 
and the spirit of the Good Samaritan, bid- 
ding all her citizens to seek first the king- 
dom of God and its righteousness; intro- 
ducing into the vocabulary of international 
law the blessed word neighbor, and leading 
humanity along the kindly ways of peace 
and mutual helpfulness until "out of every 
kindred, and tongue, and people, and na- 
tion" shall rise a glad psalm of thanksgiving 
and joy that in the good providence of the 
Almighty there has been planted upon these 
western shores the living and growing tree 
of liberty, education and Christian princi- 

Young gentlemen, to you, as to compara- 
tively few in the long lapse of centuries, 
comes the magnificent opportunity. Before 
you is the open door to great achievement 
and great usefulness. With rich endow- 
ment of youth, health, friends and educa- 

tion you stand in the morning hours of that 
which is to be a century of unsurpassed sig- 
nificance. We look back on the last fifty 
years as years of wonderful scientific devel- 
opment and marvelous inventions, yet Lord 
Kelvin, perhaps the greatest scientist of to- 
day, said in substance, not long since, that, 
wonderful as have been the accomplishments 
in these respects during those years, we are 
trembling on the verge of inventions and 
discoveries as far surpassing them as they 
do any that have gone before. That declara- 
tion coming from such a mind was and is 
prophetic. Since then wireless telegraphy 
has come, and who shall guess the next mar- 

The spirit of liberty is shaking thrones 
and dynasties the world over, and making 
government of the people, by the people, and 
for the people, a nearer fact. Even that great 
embodiment of despotism among civilized 
nations, Russia, is now rocking from one 
end to the other through its dynamic explo- 
sions. Education is sweeping through the 
world and the common school is lifting the 
masses up to a higher level and a stronger 
citizenship. Engineering skill seems to 
know no limits. Time and space are abol- 
ished. Steam is slow and giving place to 
electricity. Gigantic combinations of capital 


grapple without hesitation gigantic schemes 
of improvement. Overflowing streams of 
commerce circle the world. The human 
brain is under constant strain. Life has 
become strenuous. Every one is throwing 
into the great cauldron of public opinion 
some scheme or plan or idea, practical or 
visionary, sensible or foolish, until it seems 
as though beside that cauldron were ever 
present the witches of Macbeth chanting — 

"Double, double, toil and trouble; 
Fire burn, and cauldron bubble." 

Out of this tremendous activity, these gi- 
gantic combinations, will come achievements 
marvelous beyond even the flights of fancy. 
Into this century with all its possibilities you 
enter as young men. You have the grasp 
of a lifetime upon them. Your presence in 
this institution is to fit yourselves to take 
part in those achievements. I know not 
what may be your respective places in life. 
The avenues of labor and usefulness are 
many and pointing in diverse directions. 
Business, science, art, medicine, law, theol- 
ogy, all are before you. In no country on the 
face of the globe is there an equal oppor- 
tunity for the individual brain and the per- 
sonal force. There is that freedom which 

9 6 

gives ample scope for individual activities. 
All that you do and achieve will enter into 
and become part of the national glory or the 
national shame. You can make your names 
honored ones in the history of the republic, 
or by- words and a reproach. You may re- 
peat the story of Alexander Hamilton or 
that of Aaron Burr. 

I cannot doubt your choice and purpose. 
No man covets infamy and the young, thank 
God, have lofty ideals. 

"Fear not to build thine eyrie in the heights 

Where golden splendors play; 
And trust thyself unto thine inmost soul, 

In simple faith alway; 
For God will make divinely real 
The highest forms of thine ideal." 

How can those ideals be best incorporated 
into your lives and thus into the life of the 
nation? You know what a Christian home 
is, even if not brought up in one. Whether 
a humble one with scanty furnishings, or a 
more pretentious one with costlier adorn- 
ments, in each you found truthfulness, 
purity; the spirit of peace was upon it; in- 
dustry dwelt there, self-respect in the indi- 
vidual and mutual respect in all. Will you 
add one more to the many of those homes 
7 97 

in the land? You can bring to it strength 
and ability to work. You can bring culti- 
vated intelligence and the delights of litera- 
ture and science. You may introduce into 
it the sweet and refining touch of music and 
the other arts. You may place on the other 
side of the table the angel of the household, 
whose gentleness and grace add so much to 
the sweetness of home life. Crown all these 
with the inspirations which come from 
Christianity, place the Bible on your table 
and enshrine the Master in your heart and 
you may be sure you are building up a home 
which will be not merely peace and blessing 
to you, but also for the strength and glory 
of the republic. And when the evening of life 
comes nigh and you see such homes multiply 
in the land, this nation become more thor- 
oughly filled with the spirit and principles 
of Christianity, more justly and universally 
entitled to the appellation of a Christian 
nation, you will sing with Julia Ward 

"Mine eyes have seen the glory of the com- 
ing of the Lord." 

9 8 



Studies in Human and Divine Inter-Relationship 


Rufus M. Jones, A.M., Litt. D. 

Professor of Philosophy in Haverford College, Pa. 

This is a fresh interpretation of the deep- 
est problems of life. It discusses the most 
interesting phases of recent psychological in- 
vestigation into spiritual subjects. 
' ' Professor Jones offers here a series of studies 
on the nature and meaning of Personality. 
He is at home in modern psychology and tells 
it effectively for his purpose in freedom from 
technicalities. ' '—The Outlook. 
"The author has written the twelve chapters 
of this book dealing with such subjects as The 
Meaning of Personality, The Realization of 
Persons, The Sub-Conscious Life, The Inner 
Light, etc., etc., with an aim to show through 
Psychology, as Drummond showed through 
Biology, that life can be unified from top to 
bottom." — Christian Work and the Evan- 

"The author bears a unique equipment for 
the task, having stndied Philosophy at Harvard 
under Royce and Palmer, and acquired the art 
of presenting it to untrained thinkers in his 
capacity of Professor of Philosophy at Haver- 
ford College." — British Friend. 

12mo. 272 pages. Extra Vellum Cloth, 

Gilt Top, Uncut Edges. Price $1.25 

Net (Postage 10 Cents). 



Practical Christianity 

By Rufus M. Jones, A.M., Litt.D. 

Professor of Philosophy at 
Haverford College 

This is a collection of short, prac- 
tical articles on important religious sub- 
jects. It deals with questions which every 
thinking man must meet in a practical 
way, and it contains a positive message 
for the times. v 

In the fifty-three essays many of the 
most important phases of the spiritual life 
receive consideration, and the notes of 
hope and victory, and faith in the over- 
coming life, are everywhere manifest. 
It is a book which should appeal to all 
classes of Christians. The book also 
contains a suggestive chapter on ' ' The 
Message of Quakerism.'' 

12mo. 208 Pages. Oxford 

laid paper. Bound in 

silk cloth, gilt top. 

Price $1.00 


The John C. Winston Co., 


The Roots of Christian 

Teaching as Found 
in the Old Testament 

By George Aaron Barton, A.M., Ph.D., 

Associate Professor of Biblical Literature and Semitic 

Languages in Bryn Mawr College. 

Author of " A Sketch of Semitic Origin*," Etc., Etc. 

This volume has been written from the 
standpoint of modern knowledge and modern 
methods, for those who would study the Old 
Testament devotionally . It gives brief sketches 
of Old Testament ideas and institutions mingled 
with character-studies of a number of Old Tes 
tament heroes, with brief meditations upon the 
great themes of Christian truth, Christian 
character and Christian duty as foreshadowed 
in the Old Testament Revelation. It is written 
in a pleasing, popular style for the lay reader. 

" Taken in connection with Professor Bar- 
ton's noteworthy, critical work on "Semitic 
Origins," this series of brief meditations for 
busy men and women testifies especially to 
those who shrink from modern views of the 
Old Testament, and that critical studies yield 
devotional fruit. ****** Devotional 
books of this sort are rare, and one which can 
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tradictions of modern learning, is especially 
welcome." — The Outlook, New York. 

12mo. 275 pp. Size, 1)4 x 5#. 
Cloth, gilt top, uncut edges. 
Price, postpaid, $1.25. 



A History 


The Society of Friends 
in America 







Brought down to date and including valu- 
able statistics and information in regard to 
the Society of Friends in America. 

" A work on ' The History of the Society 
of Friends in America,' which is likely for 
many days to be a standard text-book on the 
subject." — The London Friend. 

" We have read it with interest. It gives 
evidence of much research and of a disposi- 
tion to observe the impartiality of faithful 
historians." — The Friend, Philadelphia. 

12mo. Cloth. Price. $1.00 Net 
(Postage. 10 Cents) 



The Life and Letters 


%ichardH. Thomas, M.D. 



With a Preface by 


Illustrated with Portraits and Scenes 
Connected with His Life. 

This is the life story of a high-souled and 
valiant man; a spiritual teacher in the Society of 
Friends, well-known and beloved in America and 

"All who read the book will be impressed 
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ing a great career of usefulness, and who kept 
his face straight to the sunlight and went on 
doing what he could. Losses and misunder- 
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rather, he turned these things into spiritual 
fibre, and came through them with a new 
sweetness and tenderness. It was a beautiful 
life, and one can only wish that the story of it 
now told may help many readers to find the 
real quality and power of it." 

The American Friend. 

12mo. 438 pp. Bound in Cloth. 
Deckel Edge, Gilt Top, Lettering 
on Side and Back. $2.00 Prepaid. 



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